车间辞职报告怎么写:傅高义:邓小平——把现代化带到中国的人

来源:百度文库 编辑:偶看新闻 时间:2024/04/29 03:27:32

哈佛大学名誉退休教授傅高义在家中,他的家离在学校校园很近。
1979年,邓小平(左)和美国总统吉米·卡特在白宫。Arnold Sachs/Agence France-Presse - Getty Images


  1979年,当美国人开始思虑日本的崛起时,哈佛大学社会学家傅高义写了那本著名的畅销书《日本第一:对美国的启示》。


  已从哈佛大学退休的名誉教授、现年81岁的傅高义又写了另一本同样引起关注的关于亚洲超级力量崛起的书。


  在“邓小平和中国的转型”这一章节中,他描述了这位上世纪八九十年代中国最高领导人的生活,以及他如何决心推动开放国门,并使那个世界上人口最多的国家实现现代化。


  “我的《日本第一》一书在美国人学习日本经验上起到了一定的作用,”傅高义在最近的一次采访中说,“因为这本书,我想我可以再写些新的东西,帮助美国人学习中国的一些东西。”他在离哈佛大学校园只有几百码的家中接受采访时说。


  上个月,该书由哈佛大学出版社出版,被誉为 “邓小平的不朽传记”和“对那个年代中国壮观却又崎岖的经济改革之路最为全面的研究”。


  尽管如此,一些评论家批评傅高义对邓的铁腕统治着墨甚少……


  但另一些学者则认为,傅高义的新书对邓和他领导的那些改革进行了深入的剖析。


  “这是一项重大成就,” 在乔治华盛顿大学任教的中国问题专家沈大伟( David Shambaugh)说道,“这本书使我们对邓有了进一步的认识。尽管这些信息大部分不一定是新的,但这是我们第一次用超然于学者的视角分析窥探它的全貌。”


  毫无疑问,邓小平是20世界伟大的政治家之一,他为中国设立了一条脱贫致富的道路,使几亿人脱离贫困,并且改变了全球贸易模式。但是关于他的传记却很少,其中一本是理查德·伊文思于1993年写的《邓小平与现代中国的缔造》。


  历史学家大都研究毛泽东(革命家、哲学家),他带领共产党于1949年接管中国政权。但是现在学者们开始得出这样一个结论:邓小平(1940-1997),毛身边的这位身材矮小、长期遭受斗争的助手,是毛死后真正重塑中国的人。他值得拥有这样的赞誉。


  鲜有学者比傅高义更有资格写邓小平的传记。傅高义于2000年退休,不再执教。他研究中国、日本和其他东亚强国有数十年之久。他曾于1987年和1988年深入中国南部的广东省考察(当地的)改革(情况),当时中国刚刚向外国人开放经济特区。他在1969年出版的那本具有突破性《共产主义制度下的广州》一书中也记录了这部分内容,这是一本有关共产党掌权后的广东省省会的研究。


  傅高义花了十年时间撰写这本鸿篇传记,为此他还花了一年时间跟家庭教师练习汉语。他的大多数采访可以用汉语进行,而无需翻译。他与邓身边的人交谈,包括他的两个女儿、亲属以及曾经和邓一起共事s的中共领导人陈云、胡耀邦的助手。


  他还和前中国主席江泽民进行了交谈,江很少接受采访。


  傅高义访问了邓的出生地四川省,以及他在文化大革命期间曾被“下放”到的江西省。他查询了所有邓的官方文件,还被允许查看美国和俄罗斯最新解密的文件。


  他的成果是一份长达876页的详实研究,涵盖了邓的一生,包括他在政治中的几次起起落落和最后在1978年重回权力之巅的故事。对邓如何排挤毛泽东选择的接班人华国锋,该书提供了一些新的细节。


  傅高义将邓小平一生的前65年压缩到30页。对邓从四川一个小地主的儿子,到在法国和俄罗斯投身共产主义革命,再到成为一个军事将领,最后到成为毛的副总理的过程,该书只进行了简单的概括。


  邓放松了国家对普通人的生活管制,打开国门让国人去海外留学,傅高义解释道,他摆脱了毛泽东思想和共产主义的桎梏,但并没有明确这么说。他吸引外国投资者到中国来,挖掘国外经验来重振这个几乎停滞的经济体,为中国持续三十年之久的经济繁荣打下了坚实的基础。


  傅高义讲了一个微小的细节:尽管遭遇一些老党员的万般反对,一些人害怕改革太过头,另一些人则将改革视作资产阶级自由化,但是这些改革大都实现了。


  傅高义同样描写了邓的阴暗岁月,如他在1950年代的“反右”运动中扮演的角色。那场运动粗暴地将矛头对准了科学家和知识分子,为“大跃进”做了准备,最终导致“大饥荒”。


  ……


  加利福尼亚大学洛杉矶分校名誉退休教授、政治学家理查德·鲍姆说,对邓的领导和1970年代中国的内部权力斗争,该书提供了大量新资料。但是,那些成果也被一些章节淡化了些,读起来像是“对邓小平唱了一首豪无批判性的赞歌”。


  其他评论家的评价更为尖锐,他们说一些内容读起来像是来自中共中央的材料。


  在一次采访中,傅高义为他的作品辩解:“这不公平,在很多地方我批评得非常激烈。因为天安门广场事件,很多美国人带着有色眼镜评论邓小平。他们认为那太恐怖了,我也持相同的观点。但是作为一名学者,我有责任持客观的立场看待问题。


  关于这本书,傅高义说他试着把邓的一生放进特定的背景中去,以此展现他作为维护社会、政治稳定和经济发展的幸存者形象。


  “20世纪,还有谁对更多的人产生了更大的影响?”他问道,“他让3亿人口摆脱了贫困。中国曾为此努力了150年都没有做到,但是他做到了。”


  注:本文由格桑翻译,发布时有删节。转载请注明译者及来源。


  The Man Who Took Modernity To China


  By DAVID BARBOZA


  Published: October 21, 2011


  CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — In 1979, just when Americans were beginning to reflect on the ascent of Japan, the Harvard sociologist Ezra F. Vogel wrote his best-selling book, “Japan as Number One: Lessons for America.”


  Enlarge This Image


  Ron Barboza for The New York Times


  Ezra F. Vogel, a professor emeritus at Harvard, in his home near the university‘s campus.


  Arnold Sachs/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


  Deng Xiaoping, left, in 1979 with President Jimmy Carter at the White House.


  Now 81 and retired from Harvard as a professor emeritus, Mr. Vogel has written an equally compelling study of the rise of another Asian superpower.


  In “Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China,” he chronicles the life of China’s paramount leader during the 1980s and ’90s and his determined push to open up and modernize the world’s most populated country.


  “My book ‘Japan as Number One’ played a role in educating Americans about Japan,” Mr. Vogel said during a recent interview at his home here, a few hundred yards from the Harvard campus. “With this book, I thought I could write something new that would educate Americans about China.”


  The book, published last month by Harvard University Press, has already been called a monumental biography of Deng and the most comprehensive survey to date of China’s spectacular but rocky road to economic reform.


  Some reviews, however, have accused Mr. Vogel of devoting too little space to Deng’s iron-fisted rule, including his 1989 decision to allow the military to use deadly force against demonstrators in Tiananmen Square.


  But other scholars say that Mr. Vogel’s new volume offers a deeply textured portrait of Deng and the reforms he championed.


  “It’s a major accomplishment,” said David Shambaugh, a leading China scholar who teaches at George Washington University. “This book pushes our knowledge of Deng further. And while much of this information is not necessarily new, this is the first time we’ve seen it all in one place, analyzed with scholarly detachment.”


  Deng, of course, was one of the giant political figures of the 20th century and has been credited with setting China on a path that helped lift hundreds of millions out of poverty while reshaping global trade patterns. But only a handful of biographies have been written about the man, among them Richard Evans’s 1993 “Deng Xiaoping and the Making of Modern China.”


  Historians have largely focused on Mao, the revolutionary commander-philosopher who led the Communist takeover in 1949. But scholars have begun to conclude that it was Deng (1904-97), Mao’s diminutive and long-suffering lieutenant, who deserves credit for truly reshaping China after Mao’s death.


  Few scholars were better positioned to write a biography of Deng than Mr. Vogel, who retired from teaching in 2000. For decades Mr. Vogel had studied China, Japan and the other dragons of East Asia. He traveled to Guangdong Province in southern China in 1987 and 1988, when China began opening its special economic zones to foreigners, to study the reforms. He had also covered some of this material in his groundbreaking 1969 book, “Canton Under Communism,” a study of Guangdong’s capital in the time after the Communist takeover.


  Mr. Vogel, who worked for a decade on this huge biography, spent a year brushing up on his Chinese-language skills with a tutor. (Most of his interviews were conducted in Chinese without an interpreter.) He talked to people close to Deng, including two of his daughters, as well as relatives and aides of Communist leaders like Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, who had worked with Deng.


  He also talked to former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who rarely grants interviews.


  Mr. Vogel visited Deng’s birthplace in Sichuan Province, as well as remote Jiangxi Province, where Deng was exiled during the Cultural Revolution; consulted all of Deng’s official writings; and was given access to newly released documents from United States and Russian archives.


  The result is an exhaustive, 876-page study of Deng’s life that includes his multiple falls from power and his final comeback, when he assumed the top position in 1978; the book offers new details into how Deng pushed aside Mao’s chosen successor, Hua Guofeng.


  Mr. Vogel compresses the first 65 years of Deng’s life into 30 pages, offering a sweeping overview of his journey from being the son of a small landlord in Sichuan to his transformation into a Communist revolutionary living in France and Russia, and then on to his role as military commander and, later, Mao’s vice premier.


  Deng loosened state controls over the lives of ordinary people, opened the door for Chinese to study overseas and, Mr. Vogel explains, he retreated from Maoist doctrine and Communism without ever really saying so. He lured foreign investors to China and tapped outside expertise to jump-start a largely moribund economy, setting the stage for China’s three-decade-long economic boom.


  Much of this happened, Mr. Vogel explains in minute detail, despite stiff opposition from Communist Party elders, some of whom feared the reforms were too aggressive, and others who viewed them as bourgeois liberalization.


  Mr. Vogel also writes about Deng’s darker periods, like his role in the “antirightist campaign” during the 1950s, which harshly targeted scientists and intellectuals and set the stage for the Great Leap Forward, which led to mass starvation.


  And he makes clear that in June 1989 it was Deng who ordered the military action to end demonstrations in and around Tiananmen Square, a course that led to the deaths of hundreds of people and incited international outrage.


  The political scientist Richard Baum, a professor emeritus at University of California, Los Angeles, said the book offered an enormous amount of new material about Deng’s leadership and internal power struggles in China during the ’70s. But he also said that those achievements were mildly diminished by sections that read like “an uncritical paean to Deng’s character.”


  Other critics have been harsher, saying some passages read as if they came from Communist Party headquarters.


  During an interview Mr. Vogel defended his work. “This is unfair, because in some places I’m very critical,” he said, noting: “A lot of Americans’ view of Deng is so colored by Tiananmen Square. They think it was horrible. I have the same view. But it’s the responsibility of a scholar to have an objective view.”


  With this book, Mr. Vogel said he tried to put Deng’s life in context, to show him as a survivor, obsessed with social and political stability and economic progress.


  “Who in the 20th century had more influence on more people?” he asked. “He took 300 million people out of poverty. They’d been trying to do it in China for 150 years, and they couldn’t. And he did it.”